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Captain Thomas Wheeler’s Narrative

Wheeler’s Surprise

Captain Thomas Wheeler’s Narrative:

True Narrative Of the Lord’s Providences in various dispensations towards Captain Edward Hutchinson of Boston and my self, and those that went with us into the Nipmuck Country, and also to Quabaug, alias Brookfield. The said Captain Hutchinson having a Commission from the Honoured Council of this Colony to Treat with several Sachems in those parts, in order to the publick peace and my self being also ordered by the said Council to accompany him with part of my Troop for Security from any danger that might be from the Indians: and to Assist him in the Transaction of matters committed to him.

The said Captain Hutchinson, and myself, with about twenty men or more marched from Cambridge to Sudbury, July 28, 1675; and from thence into Nipmuck Country, and finding that the Indians had deserted their towns, and we having gone until we came within two miles of New Norwich, on July 31, (only we saw two Indians having an horse with them, whom we would have spoke with, but they fled from us and left their horse, which we took,) we then thought it not expedient to march any further that way, but set our march for Brookfield, whither we came on the Lord’s day about noon. From thence the same day, (being August 1,) we understanding that the Indians were about ten miles north west from us, we sent out four men to acquaint the Indians that we were not come to harm them, but our business was only to deliver a Message from our Honored Governor and Council to them, and to receive their answer, we desiring to come to a Treaty of Peace with them, (though they had for several days fled from us,) they having before professed friendship, and promised fidelity to the English. When the messengers came to them they made an alarm, and gathered together about an hundred and fifty fighting men as near as they could judge. The young men amongst them were stout in their speeches, and surly in their carriage. But at length some of the chief Sachems promised to meet us on the next morning about 8 of the clock upon a plain within three miles of Brookfield, with which answer the messengers returned to us. Whereupon, though their speeches and carriage did much discourage divers of our company, yet we conceived that we had a clear call to go to meet them at the place whither they had promised to come. Accordingly we with our men accompanied with the three of the principal inhabitants of that town marched to the plain appointed; but the treacherous heathen intending mischief, (if they could have opportunity,) came not to the said place, and so failed our hopes of speaking with them there. Whereupon the said Captain Hutchinson and myself, with the rest of our Company, considered what was best to be done, whether we should go any further towards them or return, divers of us apprehending much danger in case we did proceed, because the Indians kept not promise there with us. But the three men who belonged to Brookfield were so strongly persuaded of their freedom from any ill intentions toward us, (as upon other grounds, so especially because the greatest part of those Indians belonged to David, one of their chief Sachems, who was taken to be a great friend of the English:) that the said Captain Hutchinson who was principally entrusted with the matter of Treaty with them, was thereby encouraged to proceed and march forward towards a Swamp where the Indians then were. When we came near the said Swamp, the way was so very bad that we could only march in a single file, there being a very rocky hill on the right hand, and a thick swamp on the left, in which there were many of those cruel blood-thirsty heathen, who there way laid us, waiting an opportunity to cut us off; there being also much brush on the side of the said hill,where they lay in ambush to surprise us.

When we had marched there about sixty or seventy rods, the said perfidious Indians sent out their shot upon us as a shower of hail, they being (as we supposed,) about two hundred men or more. We seeing ourselves so beset, and not having room to fight, endeavored to fly for the safety of our lives. In which flight we were in no small danger to be all cut off, there being a very miry swamp before us, into which we could not enter with our horses to go forwards, and there being no safety in retreating the way we come, because many of their company, who lay behind the bushes, and had let us pass by them quietly; when others had shot, they came out, and stopt our way back, so that we were forced as we could to get up the steep and rocky hill;but the greater our danger was, the greater was God’s mercy in the preservation of so many of us from sudden destruction. Myself being gone up part of the hill without any hurt, and perceiving some of my men to be fallen by the enemies’ shot, I wheeled about upon the Indians, not calling on my men who were left to accompany me, which they in all probability would have done had they known of my return upon the enemy. They fired violently out of the swamp, and from behind the bushes on the hill side wounded me sorely, and shot my horse under me, so that faultering and falling, I was forced to leave him, divers of the Indians being then but a few rods distant from me. My son Thomas Wheeler flying with the rest of the company missed me amongst them, and fearing that I was either slain or much endangered,returned toward the swamp again, though he had then received adangerous wound in the reins, where he saw me in the danger aforesaid. Whereupon, he endeavored to rescue me, showing himself therein a loving and dutiful son, he adventuring himself into great peril of his life to help me in that distress, there being many of the enemies about me, my son set me on his own horse, and so escaped a while on foot himself, until he caught an horse whose rider was slain, on which he mounted, and through God’s great mercy we both escaped. But in this attempt for my deliverance he received another dangerous wound by their shot in his left arm. There were then slain to our great grief eight men viz.-Zachariah Phillips of Boston, Timothy Farlow, of Billerica, Edward Coleborn, of Chelmsford, Samuel Smedley, of Concord, Sydrich Hapgood, of Sudbury, Sergeant Ayres, Sergeant Prichard, and Corporal Coy, the inhabitants of Brookfield, aforesaid. It being the good pleasure of God, that they should all there fall by their hands, of whose good intentions they were so confident, and whom they so little mistrusted. There were also then five persons wounded, viz.-Captain Hutchinson, myself, and my son Thomas, as aforesaid, Corporal French, of Billerica, who having killed an Indian, was (as he was taking up his gun) shot, and part of one of his thumbs taken off, and also dangerously wounded through the body near the shoulder;the fifth was John Waldoe, of Chelmsford, who was not so dangerously wounded as the rest. They also then killed five of our horses, and wounded some more, which soon died after they came to Brookfield. Upon this sudden and unexpected blow given us, (wherein we desire to look higher than man the instrument,) we returned to the town as fast as the badness of the way, and the weakness of our wounded men would permit, we being then ten miles from it. All the while we were going, we durst not stay to stanch the bleeding of our wounded men, for fear the enemy should have surprised us again, which they attempted to do, and had in probability done, but that we perceiving which way they went, wheeled off to the other hand, and so by God’s good providence towards us, they missed us, and we all came readily upon, and safely to the town, though none of us knew the way to it, those of the place being slain, as aforesaid, and we avoiding any thick woods and riding in open places to prevent danger by them. Being got to the town, we betook ourselves to one of thelargest and strongest houses therein, where we fortified ourselves in the best manner we could in such straits of time, and there resolved to keep garrison, though we were but few, and meanly fitted to make resistance against so furious enemies. The news of the Indians’ treacherous dealing with us, and the loss of so many of our company, thereby, did so amaze the inhabitants of the town, that they being informed thereof by us, presently left their houses, divers of them carrying very little away with them, they being afraid of the Indians sudden coming upon them; and so came to the house we were entered into, very meanly provided of clothing or furnished with provisions.

I perceiving myself to be disenabled for the discharge of the duties of my place by the reason of the wound I had received, and apprehending that the enemy would soon come to spoil the town and assault us in the house, I appointed Simon Davis, of Concord, James Richardson, and John Fiske of Chelmsford, to manage affairs for our safety with those few men whom God hath left us, and were fit for any service, and the inhabitants of the said town; who did well and commenorably perform the duties of the trust committed to them with much courage and resolution through the assistance of our graciousGod, who did not leave us in our low and distressed state, but did mercifully appear for us in our greatest need, as in the sequel will clearly be manifested. Within two hours after our coming to the said house, or less, the said Captain Hutchinson and myself posted away Ephraim Curtis, of Sudbury, and Henry Young, of Concord, to go to theHonored Council at Boston, to give them an account of the Lord’s dealing with us, and our present condition. When they came to the further end of the town they saw the enemy rifling of houses which the inhabitants has forsaken. The post fired upon them, and immediately returned to us again, they discerning no safety in going forward and being desirous to inform us of the enemies’ actings, that we might the more prepare for a sudden assault by them. Which indeed presently followed, for as soon as the said post was come back to us, the barbarous heathen pressed upon us in the house with great violence, sending in their shot amongst us like hail, through the walls, and shouting as if they would have swallowed us up alive; but our good God wrought wonderfully for us, so that there was but one man wounded within the house, viz.-the said Henry Young, who, looking out of the garret windowthat evening, was mortally wounded by a shot, of which wound he died within two days after. There was the same day another man slain, but not in the house; a son of Sergeant Pritchard’s adventuring out of the house wherein we were, to his father’s house not far from it, to fetch more goods out of it, was caught by these cruel enemies as they were coming towards us, who cut off his head, kicking about like a foot-ball, and then putting it upon a pole, they set it up before the door of his father’s house in our sight.

The night following the said blow, they did roar against us like so many wild bulls, sending in their shot amongst us till the moon rising, which was about three of the clock; at which time they attempted to fire our house by hay and other combustible matter which they brought to one corner of the house, and set it on fire. Whereupon some of our company were necessitated to expose themselves to very great danger to put it out.

Simon Davis, one of the three appointed by myself as Captain, to supply my place by reason of my wounds, as aforesaid, he being of a lively spirit encouraged the soldiers within the house to fire upon the Indians; and also those that adventured out to put out the fire, (which began to rage and kindle upon thehouse side,) with these and the like words, that God is with us, and fights for us, and will deliver us out of the hands of these heathen; which expressions of his the Indians hearing, they shouted and scoffed, saying: now see how your God delivers you, or will deliver you, sending in many shots whilst our men were putting out the fire. But the Lord of Hosts wrought very graciously for us, in preserving our bodies both within and without the house from their shot, and our house from being consumed by fire, we had but two men wounded in that attempt of theirs, but we apprehended that we killed divers of our enemies. I being desirous to hasten intelligence to the Honored Council, of our present great distress, we being so remote from any succor, (It being between sixty and seventy miles from us to Boston, where theCouncil useth to sit,) and fearing our ammunition would not last long to withstand them, if they continued to assault us, I spake to Ephraim Curtis to adventure forth again on that service, and to attempt it on foot, as the way wherein there was most hope of getting away undiscovered; he readily assented, and accordingly went out, but therewere so many Indians every where thereabouts, that he could not pass, without apparent hazard of life, so he came back again, but towards morning the said Ephraim adventured forth the third time, and was fain to creep on his hands and knees for some spaceof ground, that he might not be discovered by the enemy, who waited to prevent our sending if they could have hindered it. But through God’s mercy he escaped their hands, and got safely to Marlborough, though very much spent, and ready to faint by reason of want of sleep before he went from us, and his sore travel night and day in that hot season till he got thither, from whence he went to Boston; yet before the said Ephraim got to Marlborough, there was intelligence brought thither of the burning of some houses, and killing some cattle at Quabaug, by some who were going to Connecticut, but they seeing what was done at the end of the town, and hearing several guns shot off further within the town, they durst proceed no further, but immediately returned to Marlborough, though they then knew not what had befallen Captain Hutchinson and myself, and company, nor of ourbeing there, but that timely intelligence they gave before Ephraim Curtis his coming to Marlborough, occasioned the Honored Major Willard’s turning his march toward Quabaug, for their relief who were in no small danger every hour of being destroyed; the said Major being, when he had that intelligence, upon his march another way, as he was ordered by the Honored Council, as is afterwards more fully expressed.

The next day being August 3d, they continued shooting and shouting, and proceeded in their former wickedness, blaspheming the name of the Lord, and reproaching us, his afflicted servants, scoffing at our prayers as they were sending in their shot upon all quarters of the house, and many of them went to the town’s meeting house, (which was within twenty rods of the house in which we were) who mocked saying, come and pray, and sing psalms, and in contempt made an hideous noise somewhat resembling singing. But we, in our power, did endeavor our defense, sending our shot amongst them,the Lord giving us courage to resist them. and preserving us from the destruction they sought to bring upon us. On the evening following, we saw our enemies carrying several of their dead or wounded men on their backs, who proceeded that night to send in their shot, as they had done the night before, and also still shouted as if the day had been certainly theirs, and they should without fail, have prevailed against us, which they might have the more hopes of in regard that we discerned the coming of new companies to them to assist and strengthen them, and the unlikelihood of any coming to our help. They also used several stratagems to fire us, namely, by wild fire in cotton and linen rags with brimstone in them, which rags they tied to the piles of their arrows, sharp for the purpose, and shot them to the roof of our house, after they had set them on fire, which would have much endangered the burning thereof, had we not used means by cutting holes through the roof, and otherwise, to beat the said arrows down, and God being pleased to proster our endeavors therein. They carried more combustible matter, in flax and hay, to the side of the house, and set it on fire, and then flocked apace towards the door of the house, either to prevent our going forth to quench the fire, as we had done before, or to kill our men in their attempt to go forth, or also to break into the house by the door; whereupon we were forced to break down the wall of the house against the fire to put it out. They also shot a ball of wild fire into the garret of the house, which fell amongst a great heap of flax or tow therein, which one of our soldiers, through God’s good Providence espyed, and having water ready presently quenched it; and so we were preserved by the keeper of Israel, both our bodies from their shot, which they sent thick against us, and the house from being consumed to ashes, although we were but weak to defend ourselves, we being not above twenty and six men with those of that small town, who were able for any service, and our enemies, as I judged them about, (if not above) three hundred, I speak of the least, for many there present did guess them to be four or five hundred. It is the more to be observed, that so little hurt should be done by the enemies’ shot, it commonly piercing the walls of the house, and flying amongst the people, and there being in the house fifty women and children besides the men before mentioned. But abroad in the yard, one Thomas Wilson of that town, being sent to fetch water for our help in further need, (that which we had being spent in putting out the fire,) was shot by the enemy in the upper jaw and in the neck, the anguish of which wound was such at the first that he cried out with a great noise, by reason whereof the Indians hearing him rejoiced, and triumphed at it; but his wound was healed in a short time, praised be God.

On Wednesday, August the 4th, the Indians fortified themselves at the meeting house, and the barn, belonging to our house, which they fortified both at the great doors, and at both ends, with posts, rails, boards, and hay, to save themselves from our shot. They also devised other stratagems, to fire our house, on the night following, namely, they took a cart, and filled it with flax, hay and candlewood, and other combustible matter, and set up planks, fastened to the cart, to save themselves from the danger of our shot. Another inventive they had to make the more sure work in burning the house. They got many poles of a considerable length and bigness, and spliced them together at the ends one of another, and made a carriage of them about fourteen rods long, setting the poles in two rows, withrails laid cross over them at the front end, and dividing them said poles about three feet asunder, and in the said front of this their carriage they set a barrel, having made an hole through both ends, and put an axle-tree through them, to which they were spliced, they set up a pair of truckle wheels to bear up the said carriages, and they loaded the front or fore-end thereof with matter fit for firing, as hay, and flax, and chips, &c. Two of these instruments they prepared, then they might convey fire to the house, with the more safety to themselves, they standing at such a distance from our shot, whilst they wheeled them to the house; great store of arrows they had also prepared to shoot fire upon the house that night; which we found after they were gone, they having left them there. But the Lord who is a present help in times of trouble, and is pleased to make his people’s extremity his opportunity, did graciously prevent them of effecting what they hoped they should have done by the aforesaid devices, partly by sending a shower of rain in season, whereby the matter prepared being wet would not so easily take fire as it otherwise would have done, and partly by aid coming to our help. For our danger would have been very great that night, had not the only wise God (blessed forever) been pleased to send to us an hour within night the worshipful Major Willard and Captain Parker of Groton, and forty-six men more with five Indians to relieve us in the low estate into which we were brought;our eyes were unto him the holy one of Israel; In him we desired to place our trust, hoping that he would in the time ofour great need appear for our deliverance, and confound all their plots by which they thought themselves most sure to prevail against us; and God who comforted the afflicted; as he comfortedthe holy apostle Paul by the coming of Titus to him, so he greatly comforted as his distressed servants both soldiers and town inhabitants, by the coming of the said Honored Major, and those with him. In whose so soon coming to us the good providence of God did marvelously appear; for the help that came to us by the Honored Councils’ order (after the tidings they received by our post sent to them) came not to us till Saturday August 7, in the afternoon, nor sooner could it well come in regard of their distance from us, i.e. if we had not had help before that time, we see not how we could have held out, the number of the Indians so increasing, and they making so many assaults upon us, that our ammunition before that time would havebeen spent, and ourselves disenabled for any resistance, we being but few, and always fain tostand upon our defense;that we had little time for refreshment of ourselves either by food or sleep; the said Honored Major’s coming to us so soon was thus occasioned; he had a commission from the Honored Council (of which himself was one) to look after some Indians to the west-ward of Lancaster and Groton (where he himself lived) and to secure them, and was upon his march towards them on the aforesaid Wednesday in the morning, August 4th, when tidings coming to Marlborough by those that returned thither as they were going to Connecticut, concerning what theysaw at Brookfield as aforesaid, some of Marlborough knowing of the said Major’s march from Lancaster that morning, presently sent a post to aquaint him with the information they had received; the Major was gone before the post came to Lancaster; but there was one speedily sent after him, who overtook him about five or six miles from the said town;he being acquainted, that it was feared, that Brookfield, (a small town of about fifteen or sixteen families) was either destroyed or in great danger thereof,and conceiving it to require more speed to succor them (if they were not past help) then to proceed at present, as he before intended, and being also very desirous (if it were possible) to afford relief to them, (he being then not being above thirty miles from them,) he immediately altered his course and marched with his company toward us; and came to us about an hour after it was dark aforesaid; though he knew not then, either of our being there nor of what had befallen us at the Swamp and in the house those two days before.

The merciful providence of God also appeared in preventing the danger that the Honored Major and his company might have been in, when they came near us, for those beastly men, our enemies, skilful to destroy, endeavored to prevent any help from coming to our relief, and therefore sent down sentinels, (some nearer and some further off) the furthest about two miles from us, who if they saw any coming from the Bay they might give notice by an alarm. And there were about an hundred of them who for the most part kept an house some little distance from us, by which if any help came from the said Bay, they must pass, and so they intended ( as we conceive) having notice by their sentinels of their approach to way-lay them, and if they could, to cut them off before they came to the house where we kept.

But as we probably guess, they were so intent and busy in preparing their instruments (as abovesaid) for our destruction by fire, that they were not at the house where they used to keep for the purpose aforesaid, and that they heard not their sentinels when they shot;and so the Major’s way was clear from danger till he came to our house. And that it was their purpose to have fallen upon him, or any other coming to us at that house, is the more probable, in that ( as we have since had intelligence from some of the Indians themselves) there were a party of them at another place who let him pass by them without the least hurt or opposition, waiting for a blow to be given him at the said house, and then they themselves to fall upon them in the rear, as they intended to have done with us at the swamp, in case we had fled back as before expressed. The Major and company were no sooner come to the house, and understood (though at first they knew not they were English who were in the house, but thought that they might be Indians, and therefore were ready to have shot at us, till we discerning they were English by the Major’s speaking, I caused the trumpet to be sounded) and the said Captain Hutchinson, myself, and company with the town’s inhabitants were there, but the Indians also discerned that there were some come to our assistance, whereupon they spared not their shot, but poured it out on them: but through the Lord’s goodness, though they stood not far asunder one from another, they killed not one man, wounded only two of his company; and killed the Major’s son’s horse; after that, we within the house perceived the Indians shooting so at them, we hastened the Major and all his company into the house as fast as we could, and their horses into a little yard before the house, where they wounded five other horses that night; after they were come into the house to us, the enemies continued their shooting some considerable time, so that we may well say, had not the Lord been on our side when those cruel heathens rose up against us, they had then swallowed us up quick, when their wrath was kindled against us. But wherein they desist proudly, the Lord was above them.

When they saw their divers designs unsuccessful, and their hopes therein disappointed, they then fired the house and barn (wherein they had before kept to lie in wait to surprise any coming to us) that by the light thereof they might better direct their shot at us, but no hurt was done thereby, praised be the Lord. And not long after they burnt the meeting house wherein their fortifications were, as also the barn, which belonged to our house, and so perceiving more strength come to our assistance, they did, as we suppose, despair of effecting any more mischief against us. And therefore the greatest part of them, towards the breaking of the day, August the fifth, went away and left us, and we were quiet from any further molestations by them; and on the morning we went forth of the house without danger, and so daily afterwards, only one man was wounded about two days after, as he was out to look after horses, by some few of them skulking thereabouts. We cannot ell how many of them were killed, in all that time, but one that was afterwards taken, confessed that there were killed and wounded, about eighty men or more. Blessed be the Lord God of our salvation, who kept us from being all a prey to their teeth.But before they went away they burnt all the town except the house we kept in, and another that was not then finished. They also made great spoil of the cattle belonging to the inhabitants; and after our entrance into the house, and during the time of our confinement there, they either killed or drove away all the horses of our company.

We continued there, both well and wounded, towards a fortnight, and August the 10th Capt. Hutchinson and myself with the men there that had escaped without hurt, and also some of the wounded came from them;my son Thomas and some other wounded men, came not from them, being not then able to endure traveling so far as from thence to the next town, till about a fortnight afterwards. We came to Marlborough on August the 14th, when Capt. Hutchinson being not recovered of his wounds before his coming from Brookfield, and over-tired with his long journey, by reason of his weakness, soon grew worse, and more dangerously ill, and on the 19th day of the same month, died, and was there the next day after buried;the Lord being pleased to deny him a return to his own habitation and his relatives at Boston, though he was come the greatest part of his journey thitherward.

The inhabitants of the town also, not long after, men, women, and children,removed safely with what they had left, to several places, either where they had lived before their planting and settling down there, or where they had relatives to receive and entertain them. The Honored Major Willard stayed at Brookfield some weeks after our coming away, there being several companies of soldiers sent up thither and to Hadley, and the towns thereabouts, which are about thirty miles from Brookfield, whither the Major went for a time upon the service of the country in the present war, and from whence there being need of his presence for the ordering of matters concerning his own regiment, and the safety of the towns belonging to it, he through God’s goodness and mercy returned in safety to his home and dear relatives at Groton.

Thus I have endeavored to set down and declare both what the Lord did against us in the loss of several persons’ lives, and the wounding of others, some of which wounds were very painful in dressing, and long are they were healed, besides many dangers we were in, and fears we were exercised with; and also what great things He was pleased to do for us, in frustrating their many attempts, and vouchsafing such a deliverance to us. The Lord avenge the blood that has been shed by those heathen who hate us without a cause, though he be most righteous to all that hath befallen us there, and all other parts of the country, he help us to humble ourselves before him, and with our whole hearts, to return to him, and also to improve all his mercies, which we still enjoy, that so his anger may cease towards us, and he may be pleased either to make our enemies at peace with us, or may destroy them before us. I tarried at Marlborough with Capt. Hutchinson until his death, and came here to Concord August 21 (though not then quite recovered of my wound) and so did others that went with me. But since I am reasonably well, though I have not the use of my hand and arm as before; my son Thomas, though in great hazard of his life for some time after his return to Concord, yet is now very well cured, and his strength well restored. Oh. that could praise the Lord for his great goodness towards us, that he was pleased to spare so many of us, and add unto our days; he help us whose souls he hath delivered from death and eyes from tears, and feet from failing, to walk before him in the land of the living, till our great change come, and to sanctify his name in all his ways about us, that our afflictions and our mercies may guide us to live more to his glory all our days.

Willilam Prichard

Willilam Prichard

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Biography of

William Prichard

One of the First Settlers of the Quaboag Plantation

Surnames used: Prichard, Pritchard, and Pritchett.

William Prichard was born in England. He married Hannah. In July of 1645, he lived in Lynn, and in 1648, in Ipswich , Essex County, Massachusetts. Their sons were John, Samuel, William, and Joseph. Their daughters: Mary, Hannah, Esther, Elizabeth, and Sarah.

In the summer of 1660, four men William Prichard, John Ayres, John Warner, and one other came from Ipswich and chose the hill, today’s Foster Hill, as the center for the proposed plantation. The first three or four families settled in 1665, and William Prichard became one of the Quaboag Plantation’s first settlers. Steps were taken to buy the land from the Indians, through Lt. Thomas Cooper of Springfield. William Prichard paid 4 pounds for his lot on the hill. The size of the grant was 64 acres and ‘William Prichard and Son’ were listed as the planters. His plot was located at the East end of the settlement on the hill at the bend in the road just before the John Ayres’ Plot. In 1667, Capt. John Pynchon, with four local men, was appointed by the General Court to direct the affairs of the Plantation. Prichard was one of the four men. William Prichard was hired by John Pynchon to help build the first mill on the plantation. He was paid over 11 pounds by Pynchon and made an agreement to be able to use the mill to grind his own corn.

In 1673, the Quaboag Plantation became ‘Brookfield’. William Prichard served as constable in 1673 and 1674. In March 1675, he was appointed Clerk of Writs by the Hampshire County Court. In 1675, he was a selectman of Brookfield and a Sergeant in the military.

On August 2, 1675, Sergeant Ayres, Sergeant Prichard, and Corporal Coy, inhabitants of Brookfield, were slain in the ambush known as Wheeler’s Surprise. The rest of Wheeler’s Company retreated back to Brookfield town, spreading the alarm among the inhabitants. They hastily fortified and occupied one of the largest and strongest houses, the Inn of John Ayres just slain in the ambush. This was to become the first day of ‘The Siege of Brookfield’ during King Philip’s War. In the evening Samuel, a son of William Prichard, ventured out of the garrison to fetch some supplies from his father’s house still standing near by. Samuel was killed just as he was leaving his house to return to the fortified house. His head was cut off and tossed about in view of the settlers and then set upon a pole against the door of his father’s house. When Major Willard’s mounted troop from Marlborough burst onto the scene on the third night, the Indians withdrew, but Brookfield was destroyed. The area was abandoned and its fields lay waste for 10 years. The estate of Sergeant William Prichard was administered on February 13, 1676/1677 at Essex County, Massachusetts.

Additional Prichard information: John Prichard married Mary Towne in March 1680/1681 and was found in Topsfield. Mary Prichard was married to Judah Trumble in September 1672. After the siege of Brookfield, they relocated to Suffield, Connecticut.

Elizabeth Prichard was born at Ipswich. On February 22, 1681/1682 at Suffield, Connecticut she married John Allen, son of Edward Allen and Sarah Kimball. Elizabeth Prichard died on May 11, 1704, at Deerfield, Massachusetts. Stephen Jennings of Hatfield, bought in April 1693, from Hezekiah Dickinson, the William Prichard home lot and rights in Brookfield.

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Sources: Genealogical records: “Early New England Settlers, 1600-1800 Soldiers in King Philip’s War, 1675 – 1677, pg. 108 ‘Quaboag Plantation’ web site by R. Chickering 300th Anniversary Celebration of the Settlement of the Quaboag Plantation

Copyright 2001 West Brookfield Historical Commission Last modified: February 27, 2009

The Tide Turns

The Tide Turns

Until now we have been concerned with the story of the rise of Quaboag Plantation form the wilderness of the Nipmuc country. We have told of an oasis of civilization, far removed from other settlements, successfully conducting the business of agriculture for its own sustenance and providing hospitality for wayfarers. Here was a settlement, planted among the Indian villages, confident of its security because of its decade of peaceful and amicable coexistence with its native neighbors. If the Quaboags had bellicose intentions, the planters at Brookfield seemed not to have been aware of them. In spite of the events of the previous few weeks in other parts of Southern New England, Pynchon’s Planters seemed to have placed much reliance on their previous good relationships with the local Indians in reassuring themselves that they were secure from aggression. Little did they realize that Muttaump, cosigner of the deed of purchase at Quaboag, pretended friend of the settlers in peacetime, had now achieved a position of eminence in the war cabinet of the Nipmucs. This sachem was to be the leader of the forces responsible for the destruction of Quaboag Plantation.

To enumerate the reasons for the assault on Brookfield would be to give the causes of King Philip’s War. The battle which resulted in the annihilation of Quaboag Plantation, was a surge in the overall upheaval which was affecting Southern New England in the summer of 1675. The intensity of the campaign waged by the Indians reflected their determination of purpose. Having reached the conclusion that cohabitation of the same lands by white and red races could not be effected practicably, the Indian in desperation made an attempt to uproot the plantations, the symbols of white success and domination.

It was natural that Brookfield should be selected by the Indians for an early assault, since it was the most isolated of all English settlements in the Colony. The overwhelming success which the attack proved to be for the warriors served as an encouragement for Philip and his followers to continue the war.

Since the attack on Swansey, in Plymouth Colony on June 24, 1675, which had signaled the beginning of the war, the authorities of Massachusetts Bay Colony had been very much concerned with determining the temper of the Indian tribes within their jurisdiction. For this purpose, several emissaries had been sent to meet with the Nipmucs and Quaboags. These parleys had been more or less successful, but by the end of July, it had become increasingly apparent that the Quaboags were becoming more belligerent. In order to impress the restless Indians, the Government of the Colony ordered Capt. Edward Hutchinson to proceed to the Nipmuc country and demand compliance of the natives with the dictates of the Governor. Capt. Hutchinson was assigned an escort consisting of Capt. Thomas Wheeler and his mounted troop of about twenty men, Ephraim Curtis, the noted scout, and three friendly Indians to serve as interpreters. And so it was, that this military party arrived at Quaboag Plantation on Sunday, August 1, 1675.

Source: Quaboag Plantation Alias Brookefeild, by Dr. Louis B. Roy

For more information on Wheeler’s Surprise Quaboag Plantation 350th Website

Click on New Braintree then scroll down to History of New Braintree, Wheeler’s Surprise

The Demise of Quaboag Plantation

The Tide Turns

Until now we have been concerned with the story of the rise of Quaboag Plantation from the wilderness of the Nipmuc country. We have told of an oasis of civilization, far removed from other settlements, successfully conducting the business of agriculture for its own sustenance and providing hospitality for wayfarers. Here was a settlement, planted among the Indian villages, confident of its security because of its decade of peaceful and amicable coexistence with its native neighbors. If the Quaboags had bellicose intentions, the planters at Brookfield seemed not to have been aware of them. In spite of the events of the previous few weeks in other parts of Southern New England, Pynchon’s Planters seemed to have placed much reliance on their previous good relationships with the local Indians in reassuring themselves that they were secure from aggression. Little did they realize that Muttawmp, cosigner of the deed of purchase at Quaboag, pretended friend of the settlers in peacetime, had now achieved a position of eminence in the war cabinet of the Nipmucs. This sachem was to be the leader of the forces responsible for the destruction of Quaboag Plantation.

To enumerate the reasons for the assault on Brookfield would be to give the causes of King Philip’s War. The battle which resulted in the annihilation of Quaboag Plantation, was a surge in the overall upheaval which was affecting Southern New England in the summer of 1675. The intensity of the campaign waged by the Indians reflected their determination of purpose. Having reached the conclusion that cohabitation of the same lands by white and red races could not be effected practicably, the Indian in desperation made an attempt to uproot the plantations, the symbols of white success and domination.

It was natural that Brookfield should be selected by the Indians for an early assault, since it was the most isolated of all English settlements in the Colony. The overwhelming success which the attack proved to be for the warriors served as an encouragement for Philip and his followers to continue the war.

Since the attack on Swansea, in Plymouth Colony on June 24, 1675, which had signaled the beginning of the war, the authorities of Massachusetts Bay Colony had been very much concerned with determining the temper of the Indian tribes within their jurisdiction. For this purpose, several emissaries had been sent to meet with the Nipmucs and Quaboags. These parleys had been more or less successful, but by the end of July, it had become increasingly apparent that the Quaboags were becoming more belligerent. In order to impress the restless Indians, the Government of the Colony ordered Capt. Edward Hutchinson to proceed to the Nipmuc country and demand compliance of the natives with the dictates of the Governor.

It was startling to see how quickly two people, having lived side by side for a half century could become consumed so quickly and completely with an intense hatred for one another.

Source: Quaboag Plantation Alias Brookefeild, by Dr. Louis B. Roy

For: Capt. Wheeler’s Narrative – Wheeler’s Surprise

For more information on Wheeler’s Surprise Quaboag Plantation 350th Website

Retreat from the Ambush & The Siege of Brookfield

The Retreat & The Siege

Wheeler’s Surprise, and the ensuing Siege of Brookfield, was a battle between Nipmuc Indians under Muttawmp and the English of the Massachusetts Bay Colony under the command of Capt. Thomas Wheeler and Capt. Edward Hutchinson in August of 1675, during King Phillip’s War. The battle consisted of an initial ambush by the Nipmuc on Wheeler’s unsuspecting party, followed by the siege on Brookfield. All accounts agree that the Indian who planned and executed the ambush and directed the siege of the town was Muttawmp.

Sunday, August 1, 1675

In order to impress the restless Indians, the Government of the Colony ordered Capt. Edward Hutchinson to proceed to the Nipmuc country and demand compliance of the natives with the dictates of the Governor. Capt. Hutchinson was assigned an escort consisting of Capt. Thomas Wheeler and his mounted troop of about twenty men, Ephraim Curtis the noted scout, and three friendly Indians to serve as interpreters. And so it was, that this military party arrived at Quaboag Plantation on Sunday, August 1, 1675.

The fact of the Sabbath does not seem to have deterred the military leaders from their purpose, since they immediately dispatched Ephraim Curtis and several other men to meet with the Indians to arrange a parley. The presence of the armed force at Brookfield must have put a damper on the rejoicing which had prevailed in the village since the birth that morning of a son to Judah and Mary (Prichard) Trumble.

Monday, August 2, 1675

Capt. Wheeler’s retreat tells of their retreat back to the town, “as fast as the badness of the way and the weakness of our wounded would permit, we being then about ten miles from it.” There is little doubt that in the retreat the surviving members of the company were saved by the sagacity and fidelity of the two Indian guides, Sampson and Joseph Robin, sons of “Old Robin” Petuhanit, a faithful Christian Indian. These two led them around by a way they knew, but unknown to any of the English, for all the Brookfield men had been killed.

It must have been a forlorn and panic-stricken group that made its way back to Brookfield, guided by the Indian scouts. The safe return of the party to Brookfield was also partly due to the lack of horses of the Quaboag. The return to Brookfield of the survivors of that proud troop of cavalry which had left just a few hours before to attempt a peaceful mission, must have startled the inhabitants into the realization that their onetime Indian friends and neighbors must now be considered dangerous and determined enemies. It took little convincing to herd the inhabitants into the only house in the village thought sufficiently strong to resist the expected attack. Ayres Tavern was nearest the Center and was the strongest house in the town. The alarm spread through the town, the inhabitants immediately left their own houses and fled to the house held by the troopers. In their fear, the inhabitants did not have time to bring provisions and extra clothing with them into the fortified house and so were poorly prepared for a prolonged siege. Within the tavern, preparations were hastily made for increasing the fortifications by setting up logs and planks against the outside and hanging feather beds before the windows on the inside.

Apparently, James Hovey either delayed too long or received the warning too late, for indications are that he was killed in or near his house before the attack began on Ayres Tavern. His house was the furthest removed from the center of the village, and he may not have had sufficient time to reach the sanctuary of the garrison house.

Capt. Wheeler, finding himself by reason of his wound unable to conduct the defense of the garrison, appointed to that office Lt. Simon Davis of Concord, James Richardson and John Fiske of Chelmsford. Simon Davis encouraged the soldiers within the house to fire upon the Indians and to those who adventured out, to put out the fire which began to rage and kindle upon the side of the house.

Within two hours after they returned to the town, the Captains sent out Ephraim Curtis and Henry Young of Concord to carry news of the disaster to the Council at Boston. In this short time, the Indians had crept warily about the town and were found by the messengers pillaging the outlying houses. Finding the way encompassed and the whole force of the enemy closing in upon them, the messengers returned to warn the garrison. One man, Henry Young, above mentioned, was wounded in the evening while looking out from the garret window and died two days later. Samuel Prichard, the son of William Prichard (slain at the fight in the morning), had ventured out of the garrison to fetch some things from his father’s house across the street and was killed just as he was leaving the house to return. The Indians decapitated him, “kicked his head about like a football” and then set it on a pole in front of the Prichard homestead. These events alone must have been enough to warn the inmates of the besieged house on the consequences of surrender or defeat.

Tuesday, August 3, 1675

The Indian attack continued throughout the day and night. Several attempts were made to ignite the house by fire arrows, combustible material on the roof and sides and by a fireball thrown into the garret. All failed because of quick action on the part of the besieged. Thomas Wilson, while attempting to obtain water from the well in the tavern yard, was shot in the jaw and neck, but his wounds were not severe, and he recovered. Judah Trumble returning from a trip to Springfield, immediately on seeing the condition of his village, returned to Springfield and reported to Major Pynchon, who was receiving the first news of the Indian ambush and the siege of the village by friendly Indians.

Wednesday, August 4, 1675

Wednesday dawned at Brookfield with the Indians still in command of the situation. They had fortified themselves in the Ayres’ barn, and were continuing their attempts to drive out the inhabitants by firing the house. They had devised a novel contrivance consisting of a carriage loaded with combustible material mounted on the end of a long series of poles, spliced together and supported by truckle wheels made from barrels. The plan was to ignite the combustible mixture and push it toward the house from the corner of the barn. The plan was foiled by a sudden shower (it is said), which prevented the igniting of the combustibles. Before the Indians were able to replace the material, another matter occupied their attention.

The plain story, as told by Capt. Wheeler, narrating the events of those three sultry August days and nights conveys perhaps the best impression possible to be gained of the anxiety, sufferings and horrible forebodings of the crowded people of that beleaguered house. Outside the smoking ruins of their homes could be seen, as well as the horde of Indians bent on their destruction and the cunning devise the Indians had readied. Within, a scanty supply of food – sleepless watching – hostile bullets constantly penetrating the wall – 6 severely wounded men and one of them dying, to be cared for – the stifling fumes of their own shots at the Indians – and in the confusion and straitened space, two wives giving birth each to twin infants – all combined for the grouping of a picture, startling in its reality, and exceeded in darkness by few events in the annals of our Indian warfare. But relief came when they most needed it and had no reason to look for it. About one hour after nightfall on August 4th, Major Willard and Capt. Parker arrived and headed directly for the fortified house. The sound of the trumpet identifying the approaching company as English must have been the signal for rejoicing of the beleaguered.

Their relief came in the form of an aged cavalry officer, Simon Willard, who was to march that day from Lancaster to Groton. Upon receipt of the distress message from Brookfield, he promptly turned his force of 46 soldiers and 5 Indians under Capt. James Parker of Groton, towards Brookfield.

Thursday, August 5, 1675

Major Willard and Captain Parker and their forces had arrived, and so intent were the Indians about the machines they were trying to build that the company coming, about an hour after dark, gained the yard of the garrisoned house before the enemy perceived them. There was a large body of Indians posted about two miles away on the road by which the Major’s company had come and another party of over 100 in a house nearer the garrison. The outpost had let the company pass unharmed depending upon those nearer to strike the blow. These latter depending upon the others for an alarm which was not given, or else in the excitement of building the machines they did not hear, and both missed the opportunity of attack. As soon as they saw their mistake they attacked the Major’s party with fury, but without much avail, and all were soon safely within the house. The Indians seeing their devices defeated and the garrison reinforced, withdrew in the early morning of August 5th. They set fire to the barn, meeting-house, and the remaining unoccupied buildings as they left town. Presumably, they also burned the mill which was at some distance from the Village. It must have been a relief to the inhabitants to be able to leave that now much battered building which had been their salvation.

The immediate treatment of the wounded during the siege was done by the people present in the beleaguered house, probably the women, and after the arrival of the relief forces by Philip Reed, listed as “surgeon” on the roster of Major Willard’s troop.

August 7, 1675 – till the desertion

On August 7th fresh forces arrived from Boston, two companies were sent to Brookfield by the Council at Boston under Captains Thomas Lathrop of Beverly and Richard Beers of Watertown. All remained at the garrison till the 10th day, when Capts. Hutchinson and Wheeler, with all of their company that were able to travel, came away and arrived at Marlborough on August 14th. Capt. Hutchinson died there of his wounds on the 19th and was buried the next day. Capt. Wheeler and the remnants of his company remained at Marlborough until the 21st, when they returned home to Concord.

Capt. Wheeler relates that soon after his own return from Brookfield, “the inhabitants of the town, men, women, and children removed safely with what they had left to several places, either where they had lived before their planting or settling down there, or where they had relations to receive and help them. Major Willard stayed several weeks after our coming away.” A small garrison was maintained at the fortified house some time after the withdrawal of the inhabitants, probably up to the 12th of October, and it is likely that widow Susannah Ayres remained during that time, as is indicated by her petition and account presented the Court in October, 1677, which charges supplies to soldiers under Ephraim Curtis and Major Willard.

Sources: Quaboag Plantation Alias Brookefeild, by Dr. Louis B. Roy & History of North Brookfield by Josiah H. Temple & Soldiers in King Philip’s War. George Madison Bodge p.119-122

The town was doubtless wholly vacated before the middle of October, and remained so, except for the frequent passage of the troops to and from the west. The charred remains of the once proud English settlement at Quaboag were to serve only as an assembly point for military expeditions and as a garrison outpost.

1675 – 1685 The town was abandoned for about 10 years.

1686 Resettlement of the town.

The Indians

The Native Americans of King Philip’s War

Nipmuc

A group of Native Americans of central Massachusetts. Took part in King Philip War, 1675-76; few survived.

The Nipmuc were from the Central plateau of Massachusetts extending south into northern Rhode Island and northeast Connecticut.

Nipmuc Indians are the original people of central New England and are among the Eastern Woodlands or Algonquian Indians of the Eastern United States. All southern New England Indians spoke languages related to the Eastern Algonquian family. Speakers of one eastern Algonquian dialect could generally converse in the one spoken by their neighbors. The native language of the Nipmuc people was a dialect of the Massachusetts .

The word Nipmuc translates into English as Fresh Water People. The Nipmuc generally lived along rivers or on the shores of small lakes and seem to have occupied the area for as far back as can be told. Nipmucs did not live along the coastline of southern New England , but rather set up their villages along interior rivers, lakes and large swamps. Overland travel and communication were more difficult between areas removed from the coast or off the main waterways, but interior groups were not faced with the fierce territorial competition of coastal Tribes. Among the highly organized Tribes like the Pequot, Mohegan, Niantic, Narragansett, and Wampanoag, there was strict defense of traditional shell fishing beds and other coastal resources due to European contact . It is not surprising that the Nipmuc and other interior groups would develop a unique social and political relationship, different from coastal groups. It is likely that the Nipmuc were organized into a loose confederation or alliance of related villages. Villages or bands probably acted politically as a unit, making major decisions as a tribal unit when faced with situations on a regional scale, but these villages were predominantly independent in their daily lives and subsistence activities.

Nipmuc people lived in a dome-shamed lodge called a wetu, called wigwam by other Algonquian speaking peoples. A wetu is constructed from a frame of criss-crossing saplings bent in a u-shape, which is then covered with woven cattail mats or sheets of pealed hardwood bark, leaving a smoke hold at the top. A wetu was complete with low sleeping platforms and was big enough for an extended family to live in. Nipmucs were never exclusively nomadic hunters. Even their ancestors arranged themselves on the landscape according to a very deliberate and calculated seasonal schedule. It requires an intimate knowledge of the regional environment to know exactly when and where to move to the most abundant resources. Although large game animals were a very important food resource to Nipmucs and their ancestors in Connecticut , they were also gatherers and fishermen. In addition to the meat procured from deer and other large animals, the Nipmucs relied equally on small game and perhaps more heavily on plant and fish resources. By the time Europeans invaded, the Nipmucs were living in semi-permanent villages ( at least for a season) and were planting fundamental maize, beans, squash, etc.

The social organization of life among the Eastern Woodland Indians included the band. Bands were comprised of the people occupying a particular area who took a name and shared common interest. A tribe consisted of several bands and was a cultural as well as a political unit. Often, tribes also contained clans, whose members might include people from other communities or tribes. This was not a sophisticated system of government. Few villages were fortified, so what little warfare there was had to have been low-level. Their leaders were chiefs or sachems – positions that were often inherited. Often problems were settled at lengthy councils.

The English during the early years were careful to acquire native lands by formal purchase. The Lancaster Purchase (1643); the Tantiusque Deed (1644); and the Eliot and Brookfield Purchases (1655) steadily eroded the Nipmuc land base, but unregulated settlement (squatters) took even more. The colonists took the best farm lands in the river valleys leaving the Nipmuc – who depended heavily on agriculture – with serious problems feeding themselves.

In 1675, most of the Nipmuc joined King Philip and other hostile Indians in a war against the colonists. At the close of the war, they fled to Canada or to the Mohican and other tribes on the Hudson River .

Today there is no single organized Nipmuc Tribe. There are however, several Nipmuc groups (such as the Hassanamisco (Grafton) and Chaubunagungamaug (Webster) Bands in Massachusetts and the Wabaquasset which have survived the centuries and remain active in the Native American community.

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First Burial Ground

The First Burial Ground on Foster Hill

Unfortunately this site is not conspicuous or readily accessible from the road and is on Private Property. Please respect the rights of the owners.

There are no known markers at the First Burial Ground

The following died at Quaboag Plantation prior to August 1675:

James Younglove, brother to the minister, who died in 1667 Infant John Warner, 11 month old son of Samuel who died in July, 1671 Sarah Parsons and her infant daughter Hannah, wife and daughter of Thomas Parsons

Killed at the ambush known as Wheeler’s Surprise in New Braintree on August 2, 1675

The following men were troopers of Captain Wheeler’s Company

Zechariah Phillips of Boston Timothy Farlow of Billerica Edward Coleburn of Chelmsford Samuel Smedly of Concord Sydrach Hopgood of Sudbury

Brookfield Men Killed at the Wheeler’s Surprise Ambush

John Ayres William Prichard Richard Coy

Killed at Prichard’s Hill (now Foster Hill) during the Siege of Brookfield

James Hovey Samuel Prichard Henry Young

Meet the Planters – Coy Family

A Brookfield Planter Family

Corp. Richard Coy, Sr.

None of the members of this family returned to Brookfield.

Here is the genealogy of the Coy family, as accurately as possible, as at the time of the publication of Dr. Roy’s book there was no published genealogy of the Coy family.

Children of Richard, Sr. and Martha Coy

Birth Notes:
Richard Coy England, abt 1625

Died at Brookfield, Aug 2, 1675 @ Wheeler’s Surprise.

Married Martha Haffield at Ipswich, bef Dec 20, 1651. wife Martha Died at Boston, Aug 14, 1694.

Richard, Jr. Salisbury, abt 1656. Drowned in Virginia, Feb 3, 1738.

Married: First, Sarah Kent of Brookfield on Dec 1, 1674.
Second, Sarah Littlefield at Manchester, MA. on Nov 2, 1724.
Third, Rebecca Stanley of Beverly at Ipswich, Jan 14, 1731-2.
Fourth, Miriam Babcock of Manchester, intentions filed Oct 23, 1737. no known offspring that survived to adulthood.

John Wenham, 1658 Came to Quaboag with his parents, where he spent his childhood, removed to Boston after the siege.
Died on Mar 1, 1737-8 at Wenham.

Inherited the estate of his father and was the one to sell to Thomas Barnes in 1699, all the family rights at Brookfield. Married Elizabeth Edwards at Beverly on June 23, 1679. They had 7 children. 3 Jabez Wenham, 1660 Nothing more is known of Jabez 4 Haffield prob. Wenham, 1663 A mariner at Beverly in 1701, and died before 1706. He married Mary who was born in 1675, and who was received into the church and baptized at Beverly, MA on Jan 20, 1704-5.

Caleb Boston, Aug 15, 1666

He died between January and September of 1722. He married twice, but the name of his first wife has never been found. His second wife was Mary Wellman of Beverly. Intensions of Marriage were filed at Wenham on Nov 24, 1713 and at Beverly on Apr 4, 1717.

She is called “Mary Coy” widow of Caleb Coy in September, 1722.

Note:

Source: “Quaboag Plantation Alias Brookefeild” by Louis E. Roy, M. D., 1965, West Brookfield, MA., The Heffernan Press, Inc., Worcester, Massachusetts.

Meet the Planters – Ayres

Ayres Tavern

Meet John Ayres

Sgt. John Ayres was killed by Indians near present day New Braintree, MA on August 2, 1675, at the ambush known as Wheeler’s Surprise during the Siege of Brookfield, King Philip’s War.

In late October 1963, there was raised on Foster Hill in West Brookfield, a memorial to Sergeant John Ayres. This was erected by Colonel Fairfax Ayres of Shaftsbury, Vermont, an eighth generation direct descendant of John Ayres, in permanent remembrance of the head of that family which had such a vital influence on the early course of events at the Quaboag settlement. John, though not the earliest arrival at Quaboag Plantation, was certainly one of the most influential persons in its brief history. The early history of the Ayres family appears to be lost in confusion over names. Certainly, the antecessors of this family prior to the arrival of John at Ipswich, cannot be easily traced. The prime biographer of the family, William Henry Whitmore, in his excellent genealogy states flatly: “I know nothing of his parentage”. In an article which he wrote for the New England Historical and Genealogical Register in 1863 he says thus:

“Having spent some time in tracing the early generations of two distinct families of Ayres and Ayers desire to preserve the result. Savage, (renowned biographer of early New Englanders), in his account, makes a mistake which escaped my notice till my attention was called to it by Mr. Melvin Lord. Captain John Ayres of Ipswich and Brookfield was not the son of John Ayres of Haverhill. I have carefully examined the deeds of Salem, and have careful copies of the town records of Ipswich and Haverhill, and these show that the mistake had been made by confounding two persons of the same name”. And so we are left without any definite leads as to the place of origin of the family prior to the immigration to New England. The first concrete fact we were able to associate with the family, is the appearance of the name of John Ayres in the early records of Ipswich. This appears in the year 1643, which indicates the approximate date of coming to Ipswich, but not necessarily exactly, since grants were frequently recorded sometime after they had been made. He was also listed as an inhabitant of Ipswich in 1648, and married Susanna, daughter of Mark Symonds of who’s (Mark Symonds) estate he was appointed administrator. In such capacity, on November 24, 1659, he sold a house and a three acre lot to another son-in-law of the deceased, Edward Chapman (Ipswich Deed 3:351). He was allowed the privilege of commonage in February 1667, and admitted a commoner at Ipswich in March of the same year. Captain John, as he was known at Ipswich, came to Quaboag Plantation before May 1667. The time of his removal can be estimated fairly accurately from known facts. He was named one of a prudential committee for the new plantation in the Re-grant of 1667. At the time of his removal, he has his full family, consisting of seven sons and one daughter, all of whom came with him to Quaboag. They were: John Jr., about 18; Samuel, about 17; Thomas, 15; Joseph, 12; Susanna, about 11; Edward, 9; Mark, 6; and, Nathaniel, under 3 years of age. This father and head of family certainly had need for provisions to maintain his large dependency, and it is not long after his arrival that he begins what is to be an extensive trade with John Pynchon of Springfield. The first entries in the Account Book on July 14, 1668 are for bacon, corn, salt, and white meal – all household necessities.

John Ayres was owner of much land within the Plantation. The amount which he paid John Pynchon for his original grant was 5 Li 12s 6p, or four and a half times the value of a single house lot with its usual allowance of meadow and planting ground. In addition to this, he leased a large meadow (Matchuk-19 acres) from John Pynchon from June 28, 1671, until the time of his death. Record of this appears in his account on: June 28, 1671; November 28, 1672; October 23, 1673; and, August 18, 1674. This large acquisition and usage of land indicates that he had grown sons, that he was relatively wealthy, and that he was capable of maintaining such an amount of this most precious commodity. He can certainly be classified as a substantial husbandman. Probably from the time of construction of his home and establishment of himself at Quaboag, he provided accommodations for travelers. Although his first actual license for maintaining a tavern was not granted until the Fall of 1671, the following entry leads us to believe that he offered food and shelter prior to that time. On June 28, 1671, the following: “By my expense at his house last summer and once this Spring 00 12 00”. That Ayres was a respected planter is confirmed by the following found in the Record of Hampshire County Court for September 26, 1671: “Goodman Ayres of Quabaug licensed to sell wine, etc.”. This permit was renewed on September 24, 1672: “Goodman Ely of Springfield hath his license continued for the year ensuing to keep ordinary and to sell wines and strong liquors, providing he keep good rule in his house. Also Goodman Ayres of Quaboag hath his license continued on the same terms”. And for the last time on September 29, 1674: “John Ayres of Brookfield hath his license renewed for the year ensuing”. As we know, this tavern was still in operation at the time of the Indian assault on August 2, 1675, and being the strongest building at the Plantation, was converted into a fortified house to provide protection during the siege which followed.

In addition to his maintaining a large farm and keeping the tavern, John Ayres found it advantageous to devote much of his time to the mill of John Pynchon. He was associated with this most essential enterprise from the very beginning of the construction of the mill. The first link with the project comes in the following account of the Plantation with John Pynchon: “The Towne Dr. Aug. 1669 2 Li steel G Aires had for Web more 4 Li Steel G. Aires had Nov. 8, 1669”.

Also, on November 8, 1669, Goodman Ayres received delivery of nails and a spindle in Rine for the mill. On June 28, 1671, he was paid 2 Li 1s 8p for his part in building the mill house, and 12 Li 14s 7p for other matters relating to the mill, by John Pynchon. The large amount of money involved certainly indicates that Ayres either sold a considerable piece of property or rendered valuable services to Mr. Pynchon in connection with the mill.

In November 28, 1672, is recorded the beginning of a business arrangement with John Pynchon which was to last for the remainder of his (Ayres) life:

“Agreed with G. Aires, to keep my mill at Quabauge and tend it, to grind corn brought there, for one year, he to take the tole allowed, viz., one half peck out of a bushel, on all the corn that shall be ground by one and all; and for his tending the mill, he is to have one third of the tole, I am to have the rest for my part paid. He is to grind all the corn at the mill except Gdm. Pritchard’s corn. Gdm. Pritchard having liberty to grind his own corn only”. On December 18, 1673, this agreement was renewed “for the year coming or longer on the same terms as formerly”. The final determination of this contract is recorded as follows (Date probably Aug. 28, 1675): “Goodman Aires owes me more for corn of mine, which he had at the mill, as he told me being, in June 1675, when I left my expenses at his house on acot, he spoke of eight or ten bushels to allow me for, and what he had about 14 bushels 1/2 as he gave me an acot on April 28, 1675. That he did not proportion that wheat because he said it would be more, he having disposed of it, and would give me an acot of altogether; and malt of mine, he took it all, so that I acot he owes me near about 4 Li, whereof I have received as per contra about 2 Li so rests due to me about 2 Li”. The account was settled by discount of 1 Li 7s 11p on August 28, 1675. This last was of course after the violent death of John Ayres at the hands of the Indians. John Ayres, farmer, taverner and miller, still had time and energy left to devote to civil affairs of the infant plantation. As mentioned previously, he was one of those appointed by the General Court in 1667 to the committee to oversee the affairs of Quaboag Plantation, a position of considerable responsibility. He continued in that capacity until the incorporation in 1673.

His name appears on the ill-fated petition of October 9, 1670, requesting a grant of additional lands at Quaboag to provide an inducement for increased settlement. The Petition for Incorporation contains the names of John Sr., John Jr., and Samuel Ayres, indicating the importance of the family in the affairs of the community.

John Sr. served as Constable for a period, as revealed by the following in the Magistrate Book on November 2, 1670: “James Hovey and Priscilla Warner of Quaboag joined in marriage. Constable John Ayres attesting their legal publication”. In a controversial court case between John Younglove and the inhabitants of Quaboag Plantation on June 19, 1672, John Ayres and William Prichard represented the interests of the people in a losing battle with their unstable minister. However, in an other encounter with Mr. Younglove on March 31, 1674, he was more successful:

“John Ayres, Sr., of Brookfield being complained of to this Court for that he refuses to pay certain arrearages of which he has been assessed toward Mr. Younglove his maintenance. Also, he brings the fact to make his defense sayeth: It was for that the arrearages for which he is now assessed for keeping the ordinary formerly: the Court doth acot that such arrearages ought to be paid by the people therein, in general some other way, and it is belaid on him for keeping the ordinary past: And as to the question, the Court they should like that Mr. Younglove may have his due. The Court decrees that the law doth – determine it. Therefore do accordingly order that which is to be yet due him his acot, for to the selectman there to assess the inhabitants there for it, in the way which they formerly paid by hand, levy the same by the Constable according to law”. On the same day, March 31, 1674, John Ayres along with Thomas Parsons were referred to by the Court as available consultants for the committee appointed to construct a bridge over Coy’s Brook, as a connecting link of the Hadley Path, then under construction. Here again we find our subject busy in the affairs of the community. The personal affairs of the family saw changes in the years 1672 and 1673. On August 28, 1672, John Ayres Jr., married Abigail Hovey, as recorded in the Magistrate Book. Soon after this, in November 1672, John Sr., sold all his lands and rights in Ipswich. On November 28, 1672, he purchased a lot at Quaboag for his son Samuel for a few shillings more than the customary price for a single house lot. The entry specifies that the lot contained 30 acres. On December 18, 1673, John Sr., and John Jr., “Took the Oath of Fidelity to This Government”.

On June 18, 1675, an action in the office of Magistrate Pynchon substantiates the strength of character of the subject of this biography. This man had no intention of sitting back and allowing the Selectmen of Brookfield to force upon him what he considered to be an unjust restraint. He used a legal form of appeal for review by higher authority of the actions of town officials. Here is the record in the Magistrate Book:

“June 18th, 1675. John Aires Sen. of Brookfield plaintiff (according to Replevy) against William Pritchard & Samuel Kent, Selectmen of Brookefeild: for unlawfully distreining some pewter dishes of his, which the Constable did by occasion of their order: William Pritchard and Samuel Kent appearing & putting it upon, profess that they gave order for the distress, and plainly not owning it, and John Aires not proving it: I allowed their charges vis., for 3 days each, which is sixe shillings apiece, in all 12s for Jo Aires to pay to William Pritchard and Samuel Kent, and likewise six shillings for Corporal Coy’s appearance as a witness by warrant:” In addition to his other activities, Sergeant Ayres was commander of the small detachment of militia. Although he held the rank of captain during his residence at Ipswich, he had had to accept the lower rank at Quaboag because of the small size of the military contingent. He was assisted in his duties by Second Sergeant William Prichard and Corporal Richard Coy. The Indian ambush and subsequent siege make up a separate section of our history and so will not be dealt with here in detail. John Ayres, as commander of the local detachment of militia, and his subordinate non-commissioned officers Sgt. Prichard and Corp. Coy, were the ones to accompany Captain Wheeler and Captain Hutchinson in the mission of peace to the Indians on that fateful August 2, 1675. All three of these valiant men were to die with others of the military troops sent from Marlboro to treat with the Indians. Even the death of John was not to end the contribution of this man to the welfare of the community, since it was to be his house which was to provide a haven of relative safety and to be occupied and defended by the surviving inhabitants and soldiers through those three gruesome days in August 1675. After the Indian siege of Brookfield had been relieved by the arrival of Major Willard and his troop, the inhabitants left for scattered areas, looking for security and peace. Suzannah Ayres and her children returned to the familiar surroundings of Ipswich where still remained some of her kinship. She presented to the Court at Salem an inventory of the estate of her deceased husband amounting to 195 Li 13s and 6p. In 1678, she is found as the owner of a house in Ipswich. Among those of the family listed as residents of Ipswich in 1678, in addition to Suzannah, we find John Jr., Joseph, Samuel Sr., Samuel Jr., and Thomas Ayres. In 1682, a former resident of Massachusetts Bay Colony, named Samuel Hall, left a bequest of 100 Li to be distributed among the victims of the great fire in Boston and of the Indian wars in the Colony. Suzannah received 33s of this, but died soon after on February 2, 1682-3. In 1703, Samuel, John and Thomas were appointed executors of the estate of John Sr. On January 14, 1716, as recorded in Worcester in 1741, the land formerly possessed at Brookfield by John Ayres Sr., was conveyed to Joseph Ayres of Ipswich by Thomas, Mark, Edward, and Nathaniel, sons of Sgt. John; and by Samuel, son of Samuel and grandson of Sgt. John; and by Robert Day, son of Suzannah (Ayres) (Day) Waite and grandson of Sgt. John.

There apparently was discord, for on October 28, 1717, appeared the following petition to the General Court, which summarizes the situation and will be quoted in toto: The petition is dated June 17, 1717, but was read in the House of Representatives on October 26, 1717: “A petition of Thomas Ayres, Joseph Ayres, Mark Ayres, Nathaniel Ayres and Edward Ayres sons and heirs of John Ayres heretofore of Quaboag, alias Brookfield, deceased intestate, showing that in or about the year 1660, the petition of father with others bought and purchased of the Indian natives tract of land of about eight miles square then known and called by the name of Quaboag, after which, viz in the year 1673, the General Court erected the said land into a township by the name of Brookfield, then in the year 1675 a war broke out with the Indians, who killed the petitioners father and several other inhabitants, and the rest being drawn off by order of the government, the whole town was left desolate, and all the houses burned down by the enemy, after which, about 1690, the said town of Brookfield was in a likely way to be settled. And in the year 1703, the petitioners having obtained an administration on their fathers estate lying in Brookfield aforesaid, petitioned the General Court that a committee might be appointed by make inquiry and cause a record to be made of the lots, rights, and proprieties of land within the said plantation belonging to the ancient settlers thereof, that so the petitioners might have and enjoy what belongs to them in the right of their father, which prayer of the petitioners was accordingly granted, and Samuel Partridge Esq., and others appointed a committee were ordered to make inquiry and cause a record to be made of the said lands, rights, and proprieties, but the said committee neglecting in that service, then petitioners renewed their petition to the General Court, who appointed a hearing thereon; however the petitioners withdrew their petition at the request of the said committee, and upon their promise that they would forthwith proceed to settle the petitioners in their rights which accordingly they did to the satisfaction of the petitioners, who were at the expense of 150 Li at least in obtaining the said settlement, but after all the committee did at last declare all their proceedings in the premises to be null and void under no other pretense, but that the said lands were not improved by the petitioners, and the very lots that the petitioners father died possessed of, and particularly his home lot which he defended against the Indians at the loss of his life, are granted by the said committee to other persons very unjustly and contrary to the order of the General Assembly, by all which the petitioners are kept out of the possission of father’s estate. Upon the whole the petitioners pray the honorable Court will confer upon them the lands which the said committee have laid out to them containing by estimation no more that 1,500-1,600 acres, although they have heard their father and many others say that he had 2,000 acres of land in Brookfield. Which lands so laid out by the said committee they shall rest satisfied and contended, unless the Court shall please to make them some further consideration: Read in the House of Representatives October 26, 1717 and ordered that the Committee of Brookfield be served with a copy of this and the petitioners former petition, and that they appear before this Court on the second Thursday of the next May session, to show reason why they declared the petitioners land to be forfeited. Sent up for concurrence. Read and concurred. Consented to: Samuel Shute”.

Meet Samuel Ayres

The Siege of Brookfield

The Siege of Brookfield

Quaboag Plantation Section

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The Siege of Brookfield

King Philip’s War

A state marker on Route 9, at the boundary of Brookfield and West Brookfield tells the grim story of Brookfield’s early years in these few short lines:

Brookfield settled In 1660 By Men From Ipswich On Indian Lands Called Quabaug. Attacked By Indians In 1675. One Garrison House Defended to the Last. Reoccupied Twelve Years Later.

Excerpt – “Siege of Brookfield”

The following is a excellent excerpt of West Brookfield during “King Philip’s War”

A special thanks to Eric Schultz for all his help

The book is both an in-depth History of a brutal war and a guide to the sites where the battles and ambushes took place.

“Excerpted from King Philip’s War: The History and Legacy of America’s Forgotten Conflict,” c 1999 by Eric B. Schultz and Michael J. Tougias. Reprinted with permission of the publisher, The Countryman Press./W.W. Norton and Co., Inc. To order, call 800-245-4151.”

Siege of Brookfield, West Brookfield, Massachusetts

When Captain Thomas Wheeler and his remaining men fled the ambush at New Braintree, they sought safety at the English settlement of Quabaug, now the Foster Hill area of West Brookfield. Quabaug had been settled in 1660 by men from Ipswich, Massachusetts At the time of King Philip’s War, it was an isolated farming settlement of barely twenty homes. Its closest neighbor was Springfield, a day’s journey to the west. Douglas Leach suggest that “indeed, scarcely a town in all of Massachusetts could claim the dubious distinction of being more isolated than Brookfield.” The surprise return of Wheeler and his exhausted troopers from their disastrous meeting with the Nipmuc alerted the settlers at Quabaug to danger. The frightened inhabitants abandoned their homes and fled to the house of Sergeant John Ayres. (Ayres had accompanied Wheeler and Hutchinson on their mission to parley with the Nipmuc, and for his efforts was lying dead at the New Braintree ambush site.) In all, eighty people gathered in this one home and prepared to defend themselves against the Nipmuc assault. Henry Young and Ephraim Curtis immediately set out on horseback for Marlboro but soon met hostile Nipmuc. They fled back to the garrison and shortly thereafter the assault began.

The August 1675 siege of Brookfield would last almost three days and become one of the most dramatic military engagements of the war. Upon their arrival at Quabaug, the Nipmuc warriors under Muttawmp immediately set fire to all of the structures except the fortified garrison. For forty-eight hours they surrounded the building and, in William Hubbard’s account, assaulted the poor handful of helpless people, both night and day pouring in shot upon them incessantly with guns and also thrusting poles with fire-brands upon them, and rags dipped in brimstone tied to the ends of them to fire the house; at last they used this devilish stratagem to fill a cart with hemp, flax and other combustible matter, and so thrust it back with poles together sliced a great length, after they had kindled it. But as soon as it had begun to take fire, a storm of rain unexpectedly falling, put out the fire, or else all the poor people, about seventy souls, would either have been consumed by merciless flames, or else have fallen into the hands of their cruel enemies, like wolves continually yelling and gaping for their prey.

The English in the Ayres garrison responded as best they could, but the scene must have been chaotic and terrifying. Henry Young ventured too close to a window and was mortally wounded. A son of Sergeant William Pritchard attempted to secure desperately needed supplies from a nearby building, perhaps his own residence on the first lot east of Ayers’ garrison, but was captured and killed. For intimidation, the Nipmuc mounted Pritchard’s head on a pole. (Sergeant Pritchard himself had been killed at Wheeler’s Surprise). Thomas Wilson, one of the earliest English settlers at Quabaug, was shot through the jaw while attempting to secure water from a well not far from the garrison. Amidst this death and destruction there was also life, however, as two sets of twins were reported born during the siege.

The English were surrounded but not completely helpless. They returned fire and continually thwarted Nipmuc attempts to set the garrison aflame. Reports of eighty Nipmuc killed were undoubtedly inflated, but Muttawmp and his warriors did not go without loss. Indeed, Ephraim Curtis was able to find enough weakness in the siege line to crawl past the Nipmuc on August 3 and make his way by foot the thirty miles to Marlboro.

Major Simon Willard and his forty-eight troopers were conducting operations west of Lancaster and arrived first at Quabaug. Willard, who at seventy years of age was the chief military officer of Middlesex County, had heard reports of the Nipmuc attack from people traveling along the Bay Path. He and his men rode the thirty-five or forty miles to Brookfield and arrived after nightfall on August 3, where they charged past the Nipmuc sentries, whose warning shots went unnoticed. Increase Mather wrote:

the Indians were so busy and made such a noise about the house that they heard not the report of those guns; which if they had heard, in all probability not only the people then living at Quaboag, but those also that came to succor them had been cut off.

Willard’s party rode almost to the door of the Ayers garrison before they were spotted. With their arrival, the Nipmuc fired the remaining buildings and broke off the siege. Soon after, colonial reinforcements arrived, swelling the ranks of men under Willard to 350 English plus the Mohegan that had pursued Philip so successfully at Nipsachuck. Willard would stay for several weeks to direct military activity in the area, but the residents had little reason and little hope of real security, so the settlement at Quabaug was abandoned.

The landmarks related to the original Quabaug Plantation settlement are well marked along the north side of Foster Hill Road in present-day West Brookfield. Much of the site today is a large, open field. Traveling west, the first marker (set in a stone wall near a more modern home) designates the Ayres garrison, followed by a more elaborate memorial to John Ayres and a small stone marking the well at which Major Wilson was shot. Further west, still on the north side of Foster Hill Road, is a stone indicating the location of the first meetinghouse, burned in 1675, and a second built in 1717. The plantation’s burial ground, dated 1660-1780, is designated to the northeast of the meetinghouse location.

The precise site of the Ayres garrison was apparently in some dispute in the early nineteenth century. In 1843 Joseph Foot noted:

There has been of late years no small disagreement respecting the place, where the fortified house stood. Some have attempted to maintain that it was northeast of Foster’s Hill. But as no satisfactory evidence in support of this opinion has been found, it is to be regarded as unworthy of credence. There are several weighty reasons for believing, that it stood on a hill. 1. The principal English settlement was there. 2. The meeting-house which was burned by the Indians was there. 3. In the account of the attack on the fortification a well in the yard is mentioned, and a well has been discovered near the northwest corner of Mr. Marsh’s door yard, of which the oldest inhabitants can give no account except as they have been told, it belongs to the fortified house. 4. At a distance of a few feet north of the well the ground when cultivated as a garden was unproductive. As the soil appeared to be good, it was difficult to see any reason for the barrenness. On examination loads of stone, which had formed a cellar and chimney were removed, amongst which various instruments of iron and steel were found. 5. There is a hill directly west of this place, which corresponds sufficiently well with the descriptions of that, down which the Indians rolled the cart of kindled combustibles. There is then good reason to conclude that it stood between Mr. Marsh’s house and barn.

Any typographical errors are the fault of the typist.

Source: King Philip’s War: The History and Legacy of America’s Forgotten Conflict,” by Eric B. Schultz and Michael J. Tougias.

Copyright 2001 West Brookfield Historical Commission Last modified: February 11, 2008